President Buhari : Is it time to
change the changer?
It has been three years. It’s now undeniable, substantial change won’t come easy. Bishop Kukah had warned about euphoria and messianism. The public overestimated the president and the president underestimated the nations’ ailment and what ‘change’ needed. The president has not performed as woefully as his opponents would want everyone to believe. But the president has not met the expectations of even his most ardent and uncritical supporters, including his wife.
He believes he has run a difficult race well. He thinks he deserves another chance despite self inflicted wounds like Abdulrasheed Maina and a multitude of gaffes.
It has been three years. It’s now undeniable, substantial change won’t come easy. Bishop Kukah had warned about euphoria and messianism. The public overestimated the president and the president underestimated the nations’ ailment and what ‘change’ needed. The president has not performed as woefully as his opponents would want everyone to believe. But the president has not met the expectations of even his most ardent and uncritical supporters, including his wife.
He believes he has run a difficult race well. He thinks he deserves another chance despite self inflicted wounds like Abdulrasheed Maina and a multitude of gaffes.
His opponents insist he has frittered away an underserved opportunity.
They say he has run with tired feet and a befuddled head. They say he has been
encumbered by chronic ill health. They mock that had he kept focus and not
wasted useful energies in lamentations and vindictiveness, he could have
received genuine accolades from his wife.
The president, perhaps, has strived
but has not quite managed to translate into reality his good intentions. The
president needs to change. The president is convinced that he has retrieved the
country from the ditch his predecessor drove it into. He boasts that he has put
it on the right path to a prosperous future.
His opponents are fed up with his
mythical reputation and the propaganda mill built on it. They are tired of
unfulfilled promises and self congratulations. They are nauseated by his
sanctimoniousness. They would rather have the president concede to old age and
ill health, and not run. They sneer that had the president retained his
sincerity of 1984, he would have lacked the self-deception that currently
denies him a true appraisal of his performance.
They dismiss the suggestion
that the president could spark to life in his second term as superstitious
nonsense. And blame the naive credulousness of his supporters for the farce.
But there also those who believe that the president has retained a stubborn
mass support. And its not because of naivety. He appeals to them despite a
multitude of shortcomings. The reputation that he lacks appetite for wanton
acquisition of personal wealth has survived where others crumbled. And it has
survived because of his lifestyle.
The president touts his Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) and points to a quick economic recovery from recession. He reels off huge gains in the marked decline in rice and fertilizer importations, and beats his chest. He claims he has decimated the insurgency.
The president touts his Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP) and points to a quick economic recovery from recession. He reels off huge gains in the marked decline in rice and fertilizer importations, and beats his chest. He claims he has decimated the insurgency.
He dismisses the insurgency’s lingering rampancy
as the vigorous last dance of a headless chicken. He wants the opposition party
to always remember how its timidity allowed Boko Haram occupy 23 Local
Government Areas under President Jonathan. He brushes aside concerns about his
health and announces that he has dealt stronger blows against corruption than
his predecessors put together. His huge documented recoveries from thieving
politicians support his grandstanding. He admits the journey has been painfully
slow but he proclaims himself a surer path to national restoration and glory.
His opponents are unconvinced that he has the mental acuity to navigate the
ship of a town union let alone a turbulent state.
They scoff that since he
cannot find projects to commission , he should at least commission peace. They
say the insurgency, after Dapchi , has grown new wings, new arrogance. They
tease that if the president had empathy anywhere in his soul he would have wept
himself into resignation. They concede that his predecessor was ill prepared
for the insurgency. But wonder how a General, armed with precious hindsight,
has ceded the country to the insurgency and banditry of cattle herdsmen.
They insist
that the counter insurgency requires fresh ideas which the president cannot
generate. They argue that the country’s security situation has degenerated
calamitously since Buhari. They believe that ineptitude and unique clannishness
synergistically fostered the impunity of the violent cattle herdsmen and their
blood thirstiness.
They declare that the government’s pathetic approach to the
crisis reveals a deep rot, a fundamental dysfunction, in President Buhari’s
government . They say the president has to be changed Perhaps only the
president and his men believe the government has lived up to its
responsibilities in containing the herdsmen violence.
Professor Wole Soyinka
once wondered why the federal government could not be stirred by the sheer
volume of the massacres. He concluded that the president could be in a trance.
Obasanjo had supported the president vociferously in 2015. He is now the
champion of the Buhari-must-go crusade. Obasanjo may be self possessed. But
lapses in governance have created a window for his resurgent messianism. Slow
economic growth could be understood. Oil prices and production suffered a
shipwreck at the outset.
The reign of violence in many parts of the middle belt
and the government’s ambivalence towards it are inexplicable. Something has to
change. It is significant that even amongst the president’s most enthusiastic
supporters, real change is only still expected.
The police have not changed.
There is no one who thinks the country should continue on same path and at same
pace. The opposition is exasperated with their perceived ridiculous optimism of
Buhari’s supporters. The Buharists , it seems , hope that the president, if
given more time , would reclaim his authority, sack the cabal , sanitize the
country, and get the cogs to finally click.
Obsanjo has referred to Buhari
supporters as morons. Obasanjo has become the face of anti Buharism. But he has
unfortunately succumbed to the very unhealthy animosity with which anti-
buharists have gone about their enterprise and polarized the polity.
He cannot
deny that these millions of Nigerians who are stuck to Buhari are there partly
because the other politicians of stature inspire no hope of a national
redemption. Buhari supporters are not mere change romantics. Some of them are
haunted by the recent past. The 2019 elections are months away. There is no
better time to assess Buhari’s stewardship than now.
THE DEGENERATING SECURITY
SITUATION.
The herdsmen massacres. Massacres have left the middle belt
prostrate. Everyone has lost casualty count. Benue state once mourned and put
sign posts at sites of mass graves. Now, they bury the dead, and mutilated
human parts, in graves, silently, and move on. The change in the security of
the middle belt has been a horrendous one. The crisis predated the president.
Plateau state was once a killing field. But the president has met a festering
crisis, and has witnessed bloodbath after blood bath. The Federal government
could have at least barked. The Federal Government’s incoherence, ambivalence,
was as baffling as its lethargy. It shed copious tears but curiously failed to
find matching anger. In the midst of rampant massacres, the federal government
failed to pronounce and protect the sanctity of human life. And human lives
were wasted in vengeance for cattle touched.
After one of the massacres in
Benue, the state government, directly and unambiguously, implicated a faction
of Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Union. The nation expected Federal Government
to instigate a thorough investigation of the group in conjunction with the
state government. Such an action would have created confidence in the grieving
communities ravaged by doubts of Federal Governments complicity. But the
federal government chose circumspection and effectively trivialized mass murders.
Rather than meet cruel inhumanity with severe law and order actions, agents of
the federal government, the president not excluded, toyed with childish
theories about the root causes of the massacres.
The failure of the government
to take elementary ruthlessness to the vampires created a groundswell of
cynicism that dogs every of its actions around the affected communities till
date. The Inspector General of police didn’t obey the president to sit in Benue
to contain the crisis. And the president evidently didn’t view that
insubordination gravely. Rather than concentrate on fishing out and
incarcerating the murderers, many federal government officials inflamed the
situation by dabbling into the propriety of a legitimate law prohibiting open
grazing in Benue.
Espousing the very same presumptuous arguments peddled by
mouthpieces of the violent herdsmen. The agents of the federal government were
not able to separate strict law and order enforcement duties from political and
ethnic sentiments. A federal government shackled by sentiments abdicated its
primary responsibility. That was a disheartening change. Gen Danjuma threw
caution to the winds and aired the frustrations of many in the region. He
declared that the military was complicit in the massacres. The military
vehemently denied complicity.
Danjuma urged the affected communities to defend
themselves against the herdsmen and against military collusion. That was
reckless but it was recklessness born out of frustration and hopelessness. When
a church was attacked in Benue and two priests and 15 congregants were
massacred in an early morning mass, the Bishops of the Catholic Church
collectively, openly, asked the president to resign. The demand by Christian
Bishops that a Muslim president resign crossed the boundary of political
tolerance in our context.
But it may have been a reaction of a people pushed to
the wall by the Federal governments inept handling of the crisis. A baffling
ineptitude that left room for the connotation that nepotism was the chief evil.
Are catholic Bishops changing? Are they becoming more political? The vice
president waved a hand and dismissed the insinuation of nepotism and
islamization as divisive propaganda. But the federal government can blame no
one for losing the initiative to conspiracy theorists, and carnivorous
politicians. The federal government has itself descended into wimpish
finger-pointing while routine killings have continued. It is possible that the
lapses have allowed scoundrels to infiltrate the crises. But the recourse to
lamentations about the politicization of the crises can only speak of the
impotence of a president . It is the duty of the president not to weep but to
fish out the killers and their sponsors and guarantee safety of lives and
properties of ordinary people. The Army has now been deployed .
The Chief of
Army Staff has led some of the operations. It is belated but it is welcome. But
if confidence must be restored in the troubled communities, the government must
be seen to keep no sacred cows. The implicated faction of Miyetti Allah must be
ransacked by the security agents and every criminality housed there exposed and
extinguished. Public confidence in the actions of the government is crucial .
Without a quick restoration of confidence, militias will continue to
proliferate and leave long term social complications. It is also noteworthy
that some of the murderers have been arrested. They must be prosecuted and
punished. But until the networks that provide finance and arms to these
individual actors are uprooted, buds of new violence may continue to sprout.
Change must be visible and positive.
BOKO HARAM : TECHNICALLY DEFEATED,
TECHNICALLY ALIVE
The federal government had declared Boko Haram technically
defeated. It announced that the insurgency would be eliminated by December
2016. A number of other ambitious deadlines have been churned out since then.
They have all come and gone. Boko haram’s increased frequency of suicide
bombings was described as the cowardly last flickers of a dying ember. That was
before Dapchi. The seamless abduction and the majestic return of the Dapchi
girls by boko haram have left every suggestion of an imminent demise of the
insurgency destitute of the merest of credibility.
Boko haram, it appears,
replenishes its reputation and purse by these high profile abductions of school
girls. The humiliating negotiations and huge ransoms that follow the abductions
could keep the insurgency alive forever. The federal government must deny the
insurgency the oxygen of international attention and cash. The government must
prevent abductions. Boko haram has remained a great drain on the population,
the wealth and the psyche of the nation.
The northeast lies in utter ruins.
Millions still live broken lives in IDP camps. Attempts to relocate displaced persons
haven’t been helped by recent coordinated attacks by the insurgents at the
periphery of Maiduguri and other reclaimed villages Everyone, besides incurable
skeptics, concedes that the president took the fight to Boko Haram, and
recovered lost territories. The federal government has also managed to bring
back some of the abducted Chibok school girls.
The morality and war economics
of handing billions in cash and captured fighters back to Boko Haram in
exchange for the abducted girls is debatable. The federal government acted
concertedly after the inexcusable Dapchi abduction to force the return of the
girls. Unfortunately the bizarreness of the abduction and the dramatic return
of the girls allowed the opposition to insinuate that Dapchi was a script. Change
has to be enduring, not fleeting.
No one is perhaps happy that the insurgency
has acquired a new intractability. The existing set of scenarios in the
northeast are however not sustainable. The terrain is too wide for all schools
to be well defended against an asymmetric enemy. If the schools are prone,
education in that ravaged and unschooled region is imperiled . The future of
the region is uncertain. The nation routinely spends billions buying arms and
spends pittance in child and maternal care.
The boko haram war simply cannot go
on. President Buhari must find a solution to what has become a hydra-headed
scourge. The faction of boko haram that acted with apparent benevolence in the
dramatic return of the Dapchi girls must be watched very closely. Their methods
appear benign but they could prove more effective in winning hearts and minds
of the benighted people of the region than the faction that operates with
indiscriminate ruthlessness. They could prove a more dangerous enemy.
Fortunately , the federal government is re equipping its arsenals with Western
help. The days when we used to carry cash in planes to patronize black markets
, street hawkers of arms, and South African mercenaries are perhaps over.
The
federal government must reduce boko haram to rubble speedily to allow a
political negotiation of the surrender of the group. The contributions of the
civilian joint task force cannot be overstated. They have fought side by side
with the military. But we must begin to think of their eventual demobilization,
changing them back to normal people. But we may have to change our strategy.
Boko Haram must be waged a religious war. The traditional and religious leaders
in the region must mount a jihad against the insurgency. A religious campaign
against Boko Haram that calls for volunteers and promises heavenly rewards for
martyrdom has to begin.
THE SPREAD OF POLITICAL BITTERNESS
President Buhari’s
electoral victory was not well received in some sections of the country. Deep
seated animosity against Hausa Fulani hegemony had been quiescent in parts of
the south. It was fed raw meat in fiery divisive rhetoric by some self styled
leaders of the opposition. What followed was an eruption of hostility against
the president and his government from the beginning. The president’s lopsided
security appointments fostered the bitterness.
The presidents determination to
hold those who looted the treasury to account was deliberately misconstrued as
ethnically motivated. His casual handling of the herdsmen crisis fueled suspicions,
and energized rumor mongers and bigots.
The president could have met the
cynicism with diplomacy. But sometimes his words let him down. And many times
his opponents deliberately misinterpreted him to inflame wounds and score cheap
points. Many christian clerics sometimes dabbled into the president’s lapses
and omissions with paranoia and demagoguery and gave them tabloid
interpretations.
Change sometimes must begin with us. The nation became
divided. Social media propagated bitterness, bigotry and fake news. And threw
wedges in clefts in national architecture left by colonialism, sectionalism,
religious intolerance and unhealthy ethnic rivalries. Those who felt
marginalized, alienated found solace in cynicism and apathy. The Federal
government battled with rampant malicious misrepresentations as it struggled to
find its rhythm. Then it began to see the handiworks of mischief makers in
every misfortune and in its own shortcomings.
We must change our ways. Many
believe the government didn’t help itself. It didn’t engage disaffected groups
meaningfully except perhaps the Niger Delta militants who brought the economy
to its knees. By not concentrating efforts on national healing, the feelings of
alienation metastasized. The vice president engaged in some trouble shooting
and fence mending, but it always seemed he didn’t have the full weight of the
government behind him.
The vice president spoke the right words, but the
federal government remained incapable of the mere tokenism that could have
assuaged hurt feelings. What was the difficulty in addressing the lopsided
security appointments? Neither the president nor those who want him out have
played the right politics.
THE POLITICAL PARTIES HAVE FAILED TO GROW.
The
retardation of our parties must concern everyone. And I guess that has spurred
the red card movement, the angry brigade that wants to sweep away the major
parties. But we must channel our frustration into reforming the parties around
strong values and building a one or two more national parties. We must change
our party politics. The recent congresses held by the ruling party have
revealed the
ALL PEOPLE’S CONGRESS (APC)
as a rickety dysfunctional party. The
party needs a total overhaul of its leadership and then a re-orientation of its
membership. The party of ‘change’ that came to defeat corruption and renew the
country but has allowed corruption and gross indiscipline ransack its own
innards.
The president’s political aloofness lets him retain his saintliness,
but it hinders his ability to mould his party and reshape the country’s
politics. He relishes his contempt for the dirtiness of contemporary politics.
But how would he clean up the mess of our politics? By being a literal
righteous bystander? How would President Buhari put the country on the path of
progress without building a respectable political party to institutionalize the
changes in political culture he intends to entrench? The president must take
personal responsibility for the dilapidated state of his party. The president
has forgotten to change his party. The main opposition, the
PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC
PARTY,
was in tatters for a long time. Bereft of ideas, suffering from chronic
grief reaction, it discarded all restraints and took to opportunism. Often the
PDP acted like it had a country somewhere it would govern, after it had helped
anarchists set this one ablaze. The PDP that once championed inclusiveness now
looks away while its leaders preach hate and division.
They fueled rumors of
President Buhari’s death. They promoted rule of law by taking sides with
suspected looters of the treasury. They dismissed facts , promoted cynicism,
and peddled fears. They went after the president but failed to isolate him from
his ethnic group.
So his ethnic group was so often demonized. The opposition is
entitled to vitriols and acidity but not at the expense of nation building. It
cannot damage the credibility of every national institution in a bid to spite
the president. The PDP diminished itself. Shortsightedness didn’t let go for
the moral high ground. The ruling party portrayed it as the party of looters of
the treasury. Rather than clear its throat and condemn corruption the PDP
preoccupied itself talking about selective justice and victimization.
But the
PDP’s major problem is the delusion that it would automatically regain power
once it portrayed the ruling party as impotent. So the PDP routinely cries
wolf. And when it sheds true tears about the wanton killings it doesn’t feel
obligated to tell the frustrated public what coherent strategy it has formulated
to contain the menace if elected. The PDP has not sold any economic program to
the public.
The PDP assumes that the public is conversant with its pedigree.
But that pedigree is a rejected pedigree. The PDP has failed to realize that it
needs to re brand and re market itself with new bold ideas. The PDP prefers
transformation to change. But it needs to undergo one quickly, any one.
A
FRAGILE ECONOMY AND ITS GINGERLY GROWTH.
The economy has limped out of
recession. It grew at an average of 0.8% last year. The rate of growth is slow,
estimated to hover around 2% this year. Cote D’ivoire is growing at 7 %.
Economic diversification is perhaps easier trumpeted than achieved. But Oil’s
projected imminent redundancy has created a new urgency for diversification.
Oil’s contribution to the GDP has been dwarfed by Agriculture but Oil
contributes 90% of foreign exchange earnings and the economy is still
precariously import dependent. A crash in oil prices or production could be
very calamitous. Fortunately crudely oil prices are at a 4 year high and the
federal government has succeeded in keeping the Niger delta fairly quieted
crude out put at about 1.8-2MBPD. We would need nimble utilization of available
resources and massive foreign direct investment to fill our huge
infrastructural deficit, without which we may never get out of the woods.
Foreign capital importation has risen by 500%. Foreign exchange supply has
improved. Naira has retained some stability. Foreign capital inflow is still
all ‘hot money’. Foreign direct investment has improved only marginally.
The
country must seek to attract the much needed foreign direct investment needed
for sustainable growth. The IMF has endorsed CBN’s handling of the foreign
exchange system but hinted that a more transparent mechanism would be needed
subsequently. The CBN still operates two exchange windows. Our foreign reserves
are growing steadily. It’s at near 50 billion dollars. That provides some
cushion in the event of a turbulence. But our debts are piling up.
Debt to GDP
ratio has crossed 18% but is still within manageable limits. Debts are not
harmful if used on projects that have multiplier effects on the economy. Many
have criticized the proposed extension of rail lines to Niger Republic The
public service is unwieldy. This government has weeded off more ghost workers
than any government in history using Integrated Payroll and Personnel
Information System (IPPIS).
The government must trim and reform the public
service to meet the needs of a modern economy. Our recurrent expenditure leaves
nothing for infrastructural development. So the recourse is to loans. Inflation
has fallen from 19% in January 2017 to 12.5% in April this year. There are
therefore many signs of improvement. But commercial lending to the real sector
has not improved.
The lending rates are still prohibitive. The federal
government is struggling to create room for the private sector that was crowded
out by government’s domestic borrowings. The central bank has retained monetary
policy rate (MPR ) rate at 14 % to maintain dollar inflow . Such a
rate,however, cannot support sustained growth. The CBN data shows that
Manufacturing Purchasing Managers Index has shown expansion for 13 consecutive
months.
And Employment level index has expanded for the 12th consecutive month.
But unemployment rates have hit through the roof. The improvement in the
economy needs to be more inclusive. The ordinary people on the street reel from
hardship and high prices of basic commodities. That’s the change we need. The
IMF warns of the fragility of the economy and the need for urgent
diversification. The government has widened the tax net. About 6 million new
tax payers have been added in the last two years. That is commendable.
Nigeria
seeks to move Tax: GDP ratio from 5% to 15 %. That will put the economy on a
firmer footing. VAIDS has worked. The Federal Inland Revenue Service has
markedly increased revenue generation. The Nigeria Customs Service has reduced
corruption at the ports. It has improved general collections too. But it could
do much more. Many of the land borders have now become preferred routes for
importation because Customs agents are lax at the borders.
Corruption thrives
at the Seme border where importers still routinely pay bribes to Customs
officers and evade payment of proper duties. There is evidently a genuine cause
for minimal optimism.
PETROL SUBSIDY BLEEDING THE NATION
The rise in oil crude
prices should lead to huge savings in excess crude account. We should have
learnt our lessons. But the NNPC has bad news. It has claimed it spent 800
billion in one year subsidizing our petrol consumption. The figure could get
really worse as oil prices skyrocket.
The gains of high oil prices could be
lost to a perennially porous subsidy regime. The state governors are alarmed at
the lack of transparency. The president should have deregulated the petroleum
downstream sector completely.
Our refineries have remained moribund. The NNPC
has remained the sole importer of petrol into the country because landing costs
are higher than pump prices. But the NNPC has remained incapable of computing
our daily petrol needs. So the subsidy regime has remained vulnerable to
exploitation by crooks in the system.
Rising crude prices could mean billions
siphoned through a subsidy regime that “change” has not really affected Many
had believed that a president that came in with so much political capital would
discard petrol subsidy on assumption of duty. The president’s decision to
retain petrol subsidy ostensibly to protect the masses is unenlightened. Some
have termed it barracks economics. The president, it seems, has not changed
much.
THE ECONOMY HAS GREAT POTENTIALS
Nigeria could become a global top 20
economy if she lets digitalization and rigorous strategizing drive an inclusive
economic growth. It must quickly lift rural poverty by democratizing the
mechanisation of agriculture and rescuing farmers from poor yields and post
harvest losses. The rural farmers could be helped to optimize their efforts,
maximize their yields and realize their profits.
Urban poverty must be checked
because it leads to anomie and societal disorientation. The increase in minimum
wage is a first right step. The government must enable job creation. That is
where real change lies The government has initiated economic focus labs.
The
labs are designed to bring the private sector, experts, and government
officials in close intensive interactions. The interactions should produce
innovations and erase bottle necks against investments and speedy progress in
Agriculture, Transportation , Power and Gas, Manufacturing and Processing. The
labs are a good initiative but they must be protected from bureaucracy. Nigeria
must tie economic improvement with improved living standards for the people.
Often economic data of growing GDP but it never reflects on the streets where
more than 75% live in abject poverty. The country still baffles the world with
its number of malnourished children and unschooled young people. And perhaps
that leads us to the bill Gates argument.
THE BILL GATES ARGUMENT AND THE
GOVERNMENT’S SOCIAL INVESTMENTS PROGRAMME
The federal government is focused on
developing infrastructure. Budgetary capital votes have increased to about 30%
of total budget. New rail way lines are sprouting.
But in real dollar terms,
our investment in infrastructure has actually reduced. Bill Gates is bothered
about our priorities. We have a huge youthful population. We have the highest
number off malnourished children in the world. Chronic childhood malnutrition
means a certain poor sick future. Our infant and maternal mortality rates are
astronomical. Bill Gates believes our greatest asset are our people. But that
is the very asset we have mismanaged the most.
He wants us to spend
disproportionately high volumes on health and education. He believes the
returns on investment in the people are many times higher than those on
investments in railways for instance. The government accepted Gates arguments.
But countered that it has not left the pope with attention.
It wants to get the
economy working by linking the markets with the farms and democratizing wealth
to the rural poor. But it has also, through its Social Investment Programs,
employed over 200,000 youths to help in agriculture, education , health and
other sectors through N power.
It has improved child school enrollment by its
school feeding program which has employed thousands of caterers and helped
check malnutrition and its adverse effects. It has instituted 5000 naira
conditional cash transfers to the poorest of the poor. That is some change. It
would appear Bill gates wants much more done in that respect. The government
must be commended for the initiative but must be reminded that it has only been
able to release a paltry 15 % of the one trillion voted for SIP in 2016 and 2017.
IN 2018, THE BUDGET CAME VERY LATE , AGAIN
And came with maggots. That is no
change at all. The budget was passed in May. So much has been said about the
need to have the budget by New year day. It’s sad that executive and the
legislature can’t find enough patriotism to make an early passage of the budget
a priority.
The economy depends so much on government spending. Delayed release
of capital votes cause uncertainty, hinder effective planning and slows both
public and private sector growths. Recurrent expenditure is still too high. The
country needs a radical structural adjustment. The budget deficit is too high.
We are spending too much servicing debts even after the government has managed
to restructure our debt portfolio.
Our earnings go into overheads. We borrow to
repair and build infrastructural . If we are unable to borrow then capital
projects suffer. Sometimes we borrow and spend frivolously. The budgets of
2016, 2017 and 2018 were filled with capital projects that will not impact the
people. According to BudgIT over 40 percent of line items in the 2018 budget
are for office furniture , consulting, cars etc.
Many of the items are vague
and not track-able. Till date the federal government that promised ‘change’ has
not come clear on exactly how much was released in 2016 and 2017 for capital
projects. The finance ministry and the budget office can’t agree on figures.
It’s sad that in an election eve, the federal government had room to budget for
cars and furniture rather than projects that would impact the majority of the
people. Budget monitoring is especially important this year. Politicians need
money to prosecute elections. They don’t change. And they will have little time
to supervise projects properly. We must not allow the economy slip.
JOBLESSNESS
AND AN EXPLODING POPULATION
Unemployment has continued a steady rise. It now
stands at a tall 19%. Youth unemployment is particularly frightening. It now
stands at 33%. That is a horrible change. These rates are not just
unsustainable. They are not compatible with peace in the society.
The
government has intervened with the nPower program that has seen as many as
200,000 and more youths employed to drive government programs in the different
sectors. But against the millions being added to the population yearly that is
less than a drop in the ocean. Nigeria’s population is estimated at nearly 190
million now. We were 45 million in 1960. By 2050, we would be 450 million. And
no one is making any strenuous efforts to tame our exploding population. Politicians
have created the idea that numbers determine political strength. The mismatch
between resources and population could inflict untold harm on the country.
The
real reason we haven’t been able to conduct a census that we desperately need
to plan well is because of shortsighted politics. The regions of the country
with particularly high birth rate have not been discouraged by the leaders from
engaging in uncontrolled population adventurism.
The BBC describes African
population explosion as a looming disaster and the continent’s biggest
challenge. China retrieved itself from the brink by the one- couple -one- child
policy. But President Buhari has not remembered to marshal ‘change’ against
this coming apocalypse. The president needs to change
AGRICULTURE IS PICKING
PACE The ERGP
is aimed at achieving immediate food sufficiency. And then making
agriculture a major foreign exchange earner. The government has done well in
Agriculture. It deserves an applause Our rice production has continued a steady
rise. Official rice importation has dropped by 90%. Smuggling makes such
figures controversial. The CBN anchor borrowers program has allowed farmers of
rice and other selected crops direct access to loans at 9% interest rates.
Total import substitution of rice is now feasible by 2020.
The government’s
Agriculture Promotion Policy seeks to entrench food as human right. And
agriculture as big business. It has focused on Rice, Wheat, Maize, Tomatoes and
soya beans for local consumption and Cocoa, Mango, Sesame , Cassava, Fish , Gum
Arabic, Cashew nuts, Banana for export. Opponents of the government say that
the government manufactures pleasant data. They point to ever rising food
prices and wonder where the emerging food sufficiency the government brags
about exists. It’s unfortunate we lack reliable data everywhere. The government
counters naysayers, explaining , that the production of grains has tripled but
our grains have come under strain of increased regional demand.
The huge
external demand has meant that domestic prices won’t fall dramatically. And
local farmers are not unhappy about the development. One thing opponents of the
government cannot dispute is the impact of the government’s intervention in
fertilizer production. It has banished the notorious fertilizer racketeering of
yesteryears and improved yield. The Presidential Fertilizer initiative has
ensured availability of sufficient fertilizer all year round.
President Buhari
negotiated long term bulk purchase of phosphate from Morocco and eleven
fertilizer plants sprang back to life. National production of fertilizer has
hit over 2 million metric tonnes annually. An additional twelve moribund plants
are being rehabilitated. Nigeria would soon become a net exporter of
fertilizer.
That’s tangible change! Bagging companies like BAGCO and
International Polyworks Limited heaved sighs of relief as the presidential
initiative created a local annual demand for 10 million polythene bags for
fertilizer bagging. The president’s fertilizer initiative didn’t just ensure
50% reduction in the street price of NPK; It didn’t just make fertilizer
available all year ; It didn’t just save foreign exchange from importation; It
eliminated the entrenched corruption in the fertilizer subsidy program of the
recent past.
The president deserves accolades!
POWER HAS IMPROVED, BUT NOT
REMARKABLY.
Nigerians expected dramatic changes. On paper, the country produces
more than the President met in 2015. He may have added about 2000 megawatts .
But our transmission capacity is still weak and inefficient.
The country is
still too poorly lit. And at the rate we are adding power our hopes of
industrialization could be far fetched. According to UASID, we have an
installed capacity of about 12,500MW but on most days only 4000MW get to the
people. And 20 million households have no access to power. This is not much
different from the state of affairs in 2013 when average daily supply was
3500MW.
That’s no change oooo! The ERGP aims to raise power production to
10,000MW in 2019 and 300,000MW by 2030 to achieve provision of universal
access. The government has to break through the existing stagnancy and improve
energy mix. The previous government privatized power and gave contracts to
briefcase companies.
The Buhari government chose inviolability of contract above
expediency. The government has had to nurse the power companies with loans and
guarantees. The company themselves complain that the tariffs are not cost
reflective, they cannot attract investment.
The government must be commended
for initiating 24 hour power supply projects to big markets and universities.
Sabon Gari market has been covered. Ariara market in Aba is ongoing. The
federal government must create industrial and technological villages which must
be powered like the markets .
The government plans to generate 30 percent of
power through renewables by 2030. But its efforts at initiating and promoting
Solar energy has not been sufficiently aggressive.
The Federal Government wants
the states to partner with the DISCOS. Lagos has seized the initiative and its
power plan to feed the state 24 hour power by 2019/2020 could become a national
model.
We need visible change!
THE NATION NEEDs AN URGENT REVOLUTION IN
HEALTHCARE
34 out of every 1000 children born in Nigeria die in the first one
month. 750, 000 children under the age of 5 die every year, in Nigeria. Most of
them die from preventable diseases. This situation is crying day and night for
change.
The total sum needed to immunize all children born in Nigeria is about
90 billion naira. The money voted for immunization this year is about 8
billion. We had shamelessly grown accustomed to relying on foreign donors to
immunize our children. But GAVI now deems us too rich for those donor funds.
They are withdrawing their contributions.
Currently, we immunize less than half
of our children. So we reap the worst wastage in children in the world. But we
voted 770 billion for funny accessories and cars and furniture in our 2018
budget It’s consolatory, we met the national health act requirement of
appropriation of one percent of consolidated revenue fund for basic health. It
is hoped that this fund would be used to reduce our shameful child and maternal
mortality figures and embarrassing rate of chronic malnutrition in children.
Thirty three percent of children under five in Nigeria are malnourished because
70% of Nigerians live below poverty lines and lack access to basic health.
The
health ministry is however not sleeping. It has enunciated a sound health
policy. It plans free basic care for 8 million poor people. Basic care includes
maternal, child 0-5 including immunization, Malaria, Tb and HIV. But
realistically to achieve anything tangible, some of the money spent on defense
must go to health, soonest. And most of the leakages have to be plugged.
African Union prescribes 15 % of our budget for health. We can match that.
Bauchi state has matched it. And you would think that opposition parties would
make health a talking point. And swear oaths to increased health votes
drastically. But…. Transport. The president’s plan is ambitious. But hampered
by a lean purse.
He completed the Abuja -kaduna rail started by his
predecessor. The federal government is aggressively working on the Lagos
-Ibadan rail. It could be completed this year. The Calabar – Lagos that would spur
to Onitsha and the Ibadan- Kano line would start this year if funds are sourced
The government must be commended for its plan to link up the country by rail.
The General Electric led consortium would rehabilitate and operate Nigeria’s
narrow gauge rail lines. That would mark the return of the railways as major
mode of transportation.
The president’s opponents must be envious of his
railway ambitions.
War Against Corruption.
The president promised zero
tolerance for corruption. He believes he has tackled corruption. He energized
the EFCC. And introduced the whistleblowing policy. But policemen still extort
motorists in the open.
He has made more recoveries of looted funds than any
former president. Whistleblowers have helped in the recovery of billion of naira.
The onslaught against corrupt judges may not have worked as planned but its
impact on the judiciary is telling.
He has expunged more ghost workers from the
pay roll than any other president
The war against corruption has been hampered
by many evils. Chief amongst them is the abject lack of cooperation amongst the
agencies championing the War. The DSS and the EFCC have come close to
fisticuffs many times, and have publicly undermined themselves.
Then there is
the accusation of rampant selective justice, vindictiveness and capriciousness.
Others complain of crippling nepotism. The president’s ambivalence in the face
of serious allegations of misconduct against some of his appointees has eroded
the confidence of some neutrals in his ability to decimate corruption
But it
was in Mainagate, that the president lost substantial credibility. The
suspicious roles played by the Attorney General and the president’s curious
deafening silence after receiving the report on the scandal have damaged public
confidence in the war against corruption.
The government has not managed to
present a clean register of monies and properties recovered from looters of the
treasury. The opponents of the government have been left to insinuate that a
lot of what has been recovered may have been re-looted.
Conclusion.
The economy
needs a major stimulus. It needs to grow much faster than the population. The
president has not met expectations. But has he done enough to deserve more
time? I think the people should be allowed a free and fair opportunity to
determine that in 2019. If president Buhari wins re election , he would need to
change and change his ‘Change’ strategy in the interest of the country.
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