Saudi Arabia is trying hard to rebrand its image and outlook these days.
Last September, the kingdom
announced it would finally allow women to drive. A month later, Crown Prince
Mohammed bin Salman said he wanted to emphasize “moderate Islam” in a kingdom
long shaped by ultraconservative views. The crown prince, the heir to the Saudi
throne, has even drafted an economic plan to wean Saudi Arabia off its
dependence on oil revenue.
Now, in an interview with the
Atlantic’s Jeffrey Goldberg, the crown prince has acknowledged that
Jewish people have a right to their own homeland — long a taboo in a
country known as a fierce foe of Israel’s creation seven decades ago. The
remarks, however, reflect something more than just a shift in policy within the
Saudi royal court.
It underscores an important
realignment taking place in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia is seeking to build
closer economic and security ties with Israel over their shared worries
about Iran's reach in the region.
That uneasiness has only been magnified by
the political resilience of Syria's president, Bashar al-Assad, who gives
allies Iran and Russia a critical steppingstone in the region.
“Saudi Arabia doesn’t have a
lot of strong allies left who could confront Iran, which is why Israel has
become its second-most important military ally, right after the
United States,” said Sebastian Sons, an associate fellow with the German
Council on Foreign Relations who focuses on Saudi Arabia.
“Overall, his remarks are
the culmination of a long evolution of Saudi-Israeli ties,” said
Sons.
While Saudi Arabia in the past
has talked about recognizing Israel in the context of a peace deal with the
Palestinians, the crown prince’s straight-up acknowledgment that the Jews have
a right to a homeland is the clearest statement to date.
On a practical level, Saudi
Arabia has de-facto acknowledged that right since at least 2002 when it began
sponsoring an initiative to foster a two-state solution — a plan that has also
long been supported by the United States, though with different premises. But
officially, Saudi Arabia does not recognize the state of Israel.
“I believe that each people,
anywhere, has a right to live in their peaceful nation. I believe the
Palestinians and the Israelis have the right to have their own land. But we
have to have a peace agreement to assure the stability for everyone and to have
normal relations,” he told the Atlantic.
“Saudi Arabia has
traditionally been a place that has produced a lot of anti-Semitic propaganda.
Do you think you have a problem with anti-Semitism in your country?” Goldberg
asked later in the Atlantic interview, to which Mohammed responded: “Our
country doesn’t have a problem with Jews. Our prophet Muhammad married a Jewish
woman. Not just a friend — he married her.”
The crown prince’s economic
reasoning laid out in the interview will likely play into the hands
of critics who have long suspected the kingdom’s efforts to portray a
milder face as primarily
a marketing ploy. When the crown prince announced a
more “moderate Islam” last year, critics cautioned that
the declaration might have more to do with boosting the kingdom’s
economy rather than reversing decades-old practices.
At the same time, Saudi
leaders unleashed a wave of arrests and crackdowns that included some of the
kingdom's most prominent business moguls. Saudi officials claimed it was part
of an anti-corruption drive spearheaded by the crown prince. But it was widely
seen by others as an attempt to choke off dissent and any challenge to the
policies pushed by the crown prince and his backers.
The need for reforms may
already have reversed at least some of the leadership’s
previous ultraconservative stances, including the driving ban for women.
The step was widely interpreted as a sign that the modernizers within the Saudi
government may have gained ascendancy over the conservative hard-liners. Saudi
Arabia’s hard-liners have been under mounting pressure to agree to such
proposals, as the kingdom has become increasingly engulfed in
economic woes.
But the efforts have
still been limited. Women’s subordination to men remains unchanged, the
Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen hasn't
ended and repressions against Shiites inside Saudi Arabia continue —
despite Mohammed’s assurances in the interview that all was well between Sunnis
and Shiites in the country.
“Shiites in Saudi
Arabia still face a lot of grave injustices. They are being
marginalized politically and are excluded from the country's wealth.
In recent
years, security forces have also launched new crackdowns on the
Shiite opposition in the country,” said Saudi Arabia researcher Sons.
The Saudi government also has
repeatedly associated the Shiite opposition with Iran, a majority-Shiite
country.
In an interview
with the Guardian newspaper last year, he blamed Saudi Arabia’s
archenemy Shiite Iran for Saudi Arabia’s turn toward Wahhabism, an
ultraconservative branch of Islam, which is being promoted by
Riyadh both domestically and abroad. Religious
scholars say that the Saudi state is deeply rooted in and has long
been intimately entwined with Sunni Wahhabism. That same Islam was widely
promoted in Muslim countries around the world, thanks to the Saudi state’s deep
pockets.
In the Atlantic interview
published on Monday evening, Mohammed
nevertheless doubled down on his criticism, saying that “the Iranian
supreme leader makes Hitler look good.”
One possible interpretation
of his remarks? In comparison with Iran, Israel might not be so bad
after all.
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